Jesús Ramírez Cuevas, presidential spokesperson and head of Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s propaganda machine and lie factory, seemed to finally reach the level of his incompetence. Reality brings it as a piñata showing his inability to prevent a torrent of negative news from directly hitting his boss. Ramírez Cuevas is experiencing unfortunate days, as it is revealed that his talents for defamation and the dissemination of alternative truths do not replace a communication policy. It should be said, in credit to the spokesperson, that neither does the president.
It is true that Ramírez Cuevas’ task to prevent reality from hitting the National Palace with such force is monumental, because the president’s capabilities and abilities are limited and he gets angry easily. But Ramírez Cuevas, who has fueled hate speech and encouraged lynchings and attacks on political, social and economic actors, is responsible, complicit and guilty at the same time for this strategy. His problem, and that of his boss, is that the model is quite worn out and lacks the resources to renew it.
We saw it in the recent dialogue that the president had with Jorge Ramos, host of Univision’s main news program. Since he registered to attend, Ramírez Cuevas and his team prepared cards for the president for the topics they hoped he would ask about, especially security, which has been a recurring interest of Ramos when he goes to the National Palace. López Obrador wanted to have everything under control and emerge successfully from his inevitable interaction, which ended in disaster.
Ramos’s rhetorical solidity, supported by data on intentional homicides during López Obrador’s government, which have exceeded those recorded in all previous six-year terms, cornered the president who, wanting to evade reality, went ballistic, and by not being able to argue that What his own government’s statistics showed was false. Ramírez Cuevas’s work to prevent this was a disaster, continuing a series of increasingly frequent failures.
López Obrador had called his attention days before for the negative information about the government’s actions in Acapulco, and the explanation that it was the fault of the governor of Guerrero, Evelyn Salgado, because she did not coordinate with the federal authorities. He, too, had not been able to neutralize the damage and change the conversation with his digital farms that worked intensely to avoid it, because as he had to admit to López Obrador, they could not reverse things. This has been the constant in recent weeks.
Their farms, the decadent merolicos in the mornings, and the paid journalists in various newspapers and digital platforms, were also not able to stop the avalanche of information and opinions regarding the publication in international media of alleged financing of the Sinaloa Cartel. to López Obrador’s presidential campaigns in 2006 and 2010, which has caused enormous concern to the president, who fears that his name will be used electorally in the United States.
López Obrador asked Ramírez Cuevas for a report on the scope of the works published in the United States, both of whom were wrong, the one who asked and the one who did it, that the underlying problem was not the messenger, but rather the person who sent him the message. Ramírez Cuevas’ conclusions have not been revealed, although they cannot be adequate because he started from such a wrong base, like López Obrador pointing to the North American State Department, not the Justice Department, as the original source of the investigations.
In any case, you can’t expect much from Ramírez Cuevas. Its scope and lightness became very clear when it became public that the Presidency’s servers had been hacked and the personal data of dozens of Mexican and foreign journalists who have attended the morning sessions throughout the six-year term were exposed on social networks. The spokesperson told the president that he was a product of the Guacamaya Leaks, so López Obrador accused his “opponents” of this. Days later Ramírez Cuevas had to admit that they had been extracted from the account of a former official in his area in the National Palace that was never deregistered, showing the lack of security protocols with sensitive information from the presidential office, while contributing to that great failure to reinforce that the president is delusional.
All this happens without anything happening in the National Palace. Nobody pays there for anything, regardless of the severity, which in the case of Ramírez Cuevas is more delicate because he is the one who influences López Obrador the most, outside of his family, in the task of his destruction. Every night he meets with the president to design the next day’s morning. There they plot the strategy of attacks and defamations, they prepare the materials against those who are going to vilify, and the next day, at the end of the security cabinet meeting, they finish fine-tuning while the two walk to the Treasury Room, where they meet. stages the daily spectacle.
All this power is in the hands of a person full of prejudices and resentments, vileness and vileness, which is reproduced in the pens of his minions in the press and social networks that reflect his complexes and need for revenge. But for the president, in terms of decision-making it is worse, because he does not receive quality information, but is based on superficial beliefs and analysis, soaked in conspiracy theories that his boss, who thrives on that, translates in the morning into exponential form.
Ramírez Cuevas was highly functional for López Obrador because the propaganda and lies machinery helped him build his narrative. But as he loses effectiveness, without a communication policy that he never built, his problems will accumulate. The six-year term is ending and Ramírez Cuevas has diminishing returns that are affecting López Obrador, because the machinery of hate and destruction that he built is running out of power to defend the president and defend himself.