Congress’ Odd Couple—Hakeem Jeffries and Mike Johnson—Mystifies Lawmakers

When Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-GA) made her case to oust Speaker Mike Johnson (R-LA) at a press conference last week, she brought props.

With cameras focused on Greene trollishly waving a custom “Make Ukraine Great Again” hat, the more revealing visual aid was obscured: a poster depicting Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-NY) wrapping his arms around Johnson.

The photo on the poster was captured last October, just moments before Jeffries handed Johnson the House Speaker’s gavel following a weeks-long interregnum punctuated by the little-known Louisianan’s ascent to power.

For many, the hug showcased a rare instant of mutual respect and hinted at a promise of bipartisanship after Kevin McCarthy’s nasty removal. Greene is framing the embrace another way.

“Now we have Hakeem Jeffries and the Democrats coming out and embracing Mike Johnson with a warm hug and a big wet sloppy kiss,” Greene said, standing in front of the sign.

It’s true that Jeffries and his Democrats are preparing to bail out Johnson when Greene calls the vote to oust the Speaker this week, furious over his support for Ukraine aid.

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But as for Greene’s suggestion that Johnson and Jeffries are actually enjoying their sudden alignment, nobody seems to know if it’s true. In fact, few on Capitol Hill seem to know much at all about what is becoming the most important working relationship on Capitol Hill.

At the very least, lawmakers in both leaders’ orbits aren’t eager to talk about it on the record.

“I want to read your article,” Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-MD)—the ranking member on the House Oversight Committee—told The Daily Beast. “I’d be curious to know,” he said of the inside scoop on Johnson and Jeffries.

Rep. Abigail Spanberger (D-VA), a member of Democratic leadership, told The Daily Beast she’s “never seen them speak” and “never seen them engage.”

Vocal advocates for Ukraine aid were equally stumped. Asked about the dynamic, Rep. Mike Quigley (D-IL), a leader of the Ukraine Caucus, replied, “Too small a sample size.”

It’s a similar story within House Republican ranks, where source after source had little insight to offer about the two most powerful men in the House of Representatives.

Some Democratic sources offered glimpses.

“They’re cordial—I wouldn’t say friendly—but businesslike and pretty direct,” said one senior Democratic lawmaker who said they’ve witnessed the two engage and requested anonymity to describe the interactions. “I think it was much more difficult with Kevin to even have a conversation.”

Neither leader has been eager to talk about their dynamic. Jeffries told reporters in February that he had a “functional relationship” with Johnson. The Speaker, meanwhile, has said hardly anything. In public, they aren’t afraid to besmirch each other for political points, as opposing leaders typically do.

Neither Johnson nor Jeffries’ offices provided any statement to The Daily Beast regarding their relationship.

It’s clear they have a relationship: sources in both parties say the men are in semi-regular contact. On the surface, they make for an odd couple. Johnson is a hard-right, Trump-loving conservative from the Deep South. Jeffries is a center-left Democrat who cut his teeth in the rough-and-tumble Brooklyn political scene and rose to prominence as a vocal Trump foe in Congress.

But one stark political truth has bound them together: No Speaker has ever needed a Minority Leader more than Johnson needs Jeffries. It’s a fact that makes the mystery of the duo’s relationship not only merely interesting but crucial to understanding the functioning of the House.

Facing a razor-thin majority and a hard-right faction that is opposed to passing most essential legislation, Johnson simply cannot do anything of substance without Jeffries’ help.

Last month, for instance, Democrats—with a go-ahead from Jeffries—handed Johnson the votes to pass a yearly spending package, breaking months of bitter logjam in the House GOP. More recently, scores of Democrats voted to approve long-sought aid to Ukraine, Israel, and Taiwan, which Johnson supported but many in his conference did not.

The passage of that aid package set into motion the most dramatic way Jeffries will help Johnson: by saving his job. With Greene expected to force a vote to vacate the speakership amid hard-right outrage, Jeffries has confirmed that House Democrats will ensure the revolt fails, unlike how they allowed McCarthy to go down last year.

Johnson seems to have tacitly accepted the painful political truth that he cannot advance any meaningful legislation with his fractured conference alone. That’s a fact Jeffries has embraced, stepping in to save the day when, of course, there’s something in it for the blue team.

Indeed, the upcoming Democratic rally for Johnson is widely seen as repayment to the Speaker for bringing $65 billion in Ukraine aid to a vote, something every Democrat desperately wanted. Johnson insists that he did not strike a backroom deal with Democrats amid rampant hard-right outrage and speculation.

Photo by J. SCOTT APPLEWHITE/POOL/AFP via Getty Images

Amid all the scrutiny, there are plenty of reasons both Johnson and Jeffries would want to keep their connection under wraps.

In general, neither man is considered a gossip. They both like to keep their cards close to their chest. With the press, they’re painfully on message.

The senior Democratic lawmaker characterized Jeffries as “not a guy who likes to describe in dramatic form, discussions, or conversations, or interactions,” adding that when it comes to “the interpersonal stuff, he’s less focused on that. He’s more down to business.”

Any suggestion that the two have a warm or cooperative bond would likely be unhelpful to both.

The duo’s Senate counterparts have navigated such a dynamic. In January, hard-right Senate conservatives cried foul that Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) and Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) were working “better than ever,” as The Daily Beast reported, while negotiating a Ukraine aid and border security package.

Even if Johnson shares a friendly handshake with Jeffries, the gesture could sharpen MAGA wing attacks that he’s the Democrats’ willing accomplice atop the so-called “uniparty” controlling Washington.

And if Jeffries appears too chummy with Johnson, he risks undercutting the blitz of ads his party is already running that tie vulnerable Republicans to their new Speaker’s 2020 election denialism and hard-right views on abortion. The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee has hit Johnson personally, gleefully dubbing him “MAGA Mike” in a scathing November memo.

Republican lawmakers acknowledge that Johnson is a potentially valuable tool for the Democrats. On the campaign trail, he’s a convenient foil for their message and even Republicans who support the Johnson speakership know there are more reasons than good will for Democrats to keep him around.

“They’ve demonstrated their ability to influence [Johnson],” a GOP lawmaker said of Jeffries and the Democrats. “I expect in the November election, they will use him, his January 6 positions, and Trump papers, and all that stuff as a way to define Republicans. And I think that he becomes an asset to them in the election.”

Strangely, the dynamic between the two has offered rare glimmers of bipartisanship and serious legislating in an era of deep polarization and dysfunction.

In the early days of Johnson’s speakership while a government shutdown loomed, Jeffries told reporters that he had “several, very positive, forward-looking, authentic conversations” with Johnson he intended to continue.

“I will continue to say to him that we are ready, willing, and able to work with House Republicans in a bipartisan fashion to solve problems for hardworking American taxpayers, on any issue,” Jeffries said. “But at any time we will continue to push back against Republican extremism whenever necessary.”

“I hope that we can find a partnership for the American people, not as Democrats or Republicans, but as Americans,” he added.

Despite the vast political distance between Johnson and Jeffries, they should have plenty to talk about. They’re both in their early fifties. Johnson is 18 months younger than Jeffries. (In Zodiac terms, Johnson is an Aquarius, and Jeffries is a Leo. Supposedly, that makes for “magnetic” compatibility.)

Both men have law degrees: Johnson’s from Louisiana State University and Jeffries’ from New York University. They both served in their respective state legislatures before arriving in Congress. Though Johnson has only three full terms on Capitol Hill, Jeffries has served in the House for over a decade.

During the Trump years, the two served on opposite sides of the House Judiciary Committee, which was the forum for contentious partisan brawls over the Russia investigation and impeachment.

Both are men of faith. Johnson is known as a devout evangelical Southern Baptist; Jeffries is a Baptist who was raised going to an important Black church in Brooklyn. Johnson’s father died in 2016, right after his election to Congress; Jeffries’ dad passed earlier this year. They both have teenagers and twentysomething children of their own.

They’ve also both carefully cultivated reputations in Congress as amiable but savvy operators. And they are new to the top jobs they occupy. Johnson—formerly a lesser known member of GOP leadership—landed himself in the speakership in October after his predecessor’s ouster. Jeffries, meanwhile, has climbed the House Democratic ranks for years. He was the heir apparent to Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) until he officially replaced her in 2023.

Perhaps the best way to define the Johnson-Jeffries relationship is in comparison to what it’s not: the frosty standoff that defined the dynamic between McCarthy and Jeffries. Democrats largely didn’t trust McCarthy, and Jeffries’ caucus declined to reach a helping hand when McCarthy faced the revolt that ended his speakership.

Ultimately, whether Johnson and Jeffries like the other—or even know the other well at all—may miss the point.

“With McCarthy, there was never anybody who could trust him on either side of the aisle,” the senior Democrat said. “With Johnson, there’s a lot of disagreement, but so far, no indication that he can’t be trusted to stick to an agreement once he shakes hands. That’s a pretty big difference.”